Get e-book I Am the Change: Barack Obama and the Future of Liberalism

What mainstream and fringe have in common is a stubborn underestimation of the man and the political movement he embodies. Reflecting a sophisticated mix of philosophy, psychology, and history, and complemented by a scathing wit, I Am the Change tries to understand Obama as he understands himself, based largely on his own writings, speeches, and interviews. Kesler, the rare conservative who takes Obama seriously as a political thinker, views him as a gifted and highly intelligent progressive who is attempting to become the greatest president in the history of modern liberalism.

Intent on reinvigorating the liberal faith, Obama nonetheless fails to understand its fatal contradictions—a shortsightedness that may prove to be liberalism's undoing. Will Obama save liberalism and become its fourth great incarnation, following Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Lyndon B.

Or will he be derailed by his very successes? Roosevelt, and Lyndon B. Or will he be derailed by his very successes? These are the questions at the heart of Kesler's thoughtful and illuminating book. Hardcover , pages. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about I Am the Change , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia.

Jul 30, Brant Bishop rated it really liked it. I'd rate this 3.

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This is an interesting philosophical analysis of the commitments underlying Barack Obama's political positions. The method is to trace the historical background and trajectory of progressive ideas and situate Obama in that stream, and to do so by taking important speeches and writings of the key figures of progressivism the book discusses Woodrow Wilson, to a lesser extent Teddy Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, to some extent B I'd rate this 3.

The method is to trace the historical background and trajectory of progressive ideas and situate Obama in that stream, and to do so by taking important speeches and writings of the key figures of progressivism the book discusses Woodrow Wilson, to a lesser extent Teddy Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, to some extent Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama and parsing the philosophical commitments they reveal.

Conservatives will find the book entertaining, for Kesler does not spare the clever turn of phrase or editorial aside to point out the incongruities and blind spots of progressivism in general, and Obama in particular.

For just that reason, on the other hand, fans of Obama or progressivism generally will find it grating. Conservatives and progressives should both put aside their partisan emotional reaction, though, to carefully think about the ideas laid out in Kesler's criticism. He notes that the progressive project faces a crisis because its political ideals are confronting the gaping chasm of nihilism that has emerged from its fascination with the march of history as the fundamental commitment.

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For conservatives, however, it hints at the project of recognizing and avoiding similar problems, while stepping into the confrontation to articulate a commitment to constitutionalism that can capture the hearts and minds of Americans, which is necessary to capture electoral seats.

Dec 21, Jdcomments rated it it was amazing.

All histories are narratives fitting known facts which are filtered through the premises and prejudices of the historian, and this one is no different. But even given Kesler's conservative perspective, I found his explication of the synthesis of the Hegelian and Darwinian philosophies as the foundation of the Progressive philosophy to be brilliant and enlightening.

I also understand that a Liberal will probably take exception to this, and understandably so, but this just exemplifies the fact that our basic premises are essentially axiomatic for us, and for the most part not amenable to change by reasoned argument. As much as we like to believe we are rational and logical, the truth is very different, as modern cognitive science has proven. So this is a book conservatives will enjoy, liberals will probably dismiss, and independents may or may not find edifying.

In other words, a book about politics. As a short history of progressivism and modern liberalism, Kessler hits many of the same notes as Jonah Goldberg did in Liberal Fascism, though with more grace and less open partisanship than its predecessor; this is something you could give your proverbial brother-in-law without him taking instant offense. Kessler is also much, much better at presenting a coherent and recognizable assessment of his progressives' mindset.

The tone takes a negative shift, however, in the final chapter on Obama, an As a short history of progressivism and modern liberalism, Kessler hits many of the same notes as Jonah Goldberg did in Liberal Fascism, though with more grace and less open partisanship than its predecessor; this is something you could give your proverbial brother-in-law without him taking instant offense.

The tone takes a negative shift, however, in the final chapter on Obama, and the quality suffers as Kessler's shifts from being a historian where he consistently succeeds to a polemicist where his results are mixed. For example, he treats some of the presidents seemingly contradictory statements as enigmas, when the truth is that -- at least some of them -- are the results of general political sliminess and sloppiness.

Sometimes, a quote is just a quote. Roosevelt and Lyndon B. For those on the right looking for an unimpeachable book that unlocks the radical historical agenda flowing just underneath Mr. Obama did not light the fire but stands at the end of its history as commander and chief fanner. Here is a summation of Mr. Liberalism was hatched in the academy by Woodrow Wilson and a committed cadre of Progressive disciples, as they first called themselves.

Not only did Wilson come up with the theoretical game plan, the idea became real in his presidency. History and evolution — not men with natural rights and governments that exist to protect them — are the authors of the destiny of democratic peoples. Kesler shows this is a huge distinction with a profound constitutional difference — and his purpose is not simply to give a diagnosis and prognosis of liberalism in crisis.

Whereas Wilson got the progressive nose under our constitutional tent, FDR pulled through most of its body — sans the hump of universal health care — with his New Freedoms and New Deal.