First, fascism is a much more complicated and diverse phenomenon than it was in the s. Read an IRR report: When violence is carried out by neo-Nazis, it is easier to understand and see as linked to fascism. But the far Right is a fluid, evolving scene which is constantly mutating. The Autonomous Nationalists, white resistance movements, the counter-jihadists, the ultra-patriot identity movements and defence leagues are amongst the more recent variations on a far-right theme.
Earlier this year, as the Gay Marriage Bill went through the French parliament, Christian fundamentalists, ultra-nationalists and neo-Nazis all participated in its fanatical demonstrations. In the poisonous atmosphere generated by the verbal violence of French Spring, politicians who supported the Bill were issued with death threats.
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Many of the homophobic movements in western Europe at least do not necessarily identify as fascist though the picture is more clear cut in Russia and eastern Europe. Neither do the counter-jihadists. But just look at their actions: All this might lead us to conclude that self-definition is not the only measure of fascism. Second, the climate today — with the European-wide assault on multiculturalism by centre-right politicians and the embedded presence within the electoral process of extreme-Right and anti-immigrant movements — is much more fertile for fascism than at any time I can recall since I first started researching the far Right in different European contexts in Some of these parties as well as key elements within the People of Freedom Alliance in Italy are in fact the direct political descendants of pre-war fascist movements.
Thirdly, far-right violence is not contained on one region or country. It has emerged as a definite and specific threat in every country of Europe, with the culture of racism in one country crossing borders. Read an IRR briefing paper: From pillar to post: Anti-fascism, therefore, was tacitly accepted as an ethical movement to uphold democracy and liberalism and the rights of national and other minorities which might be under attack. One would think that, though the exact circumstances of fascism and anti-fascism might change over time, the basic tenets would not.
War and its aftermath
But this is not the case. In government, policy and academic circles it is now the fashion to reduce fascism to extremism, which exists at both ends of the political spectrum — on a line from far-left to far-right, as well as within minority cultures and religions ie Islam themselves. And groups in terms of ideology and tactics simply mirror one another. The dominance of these anti-extremist ideas is the fourth factor inhibiting the anti-fascist cause. Ironically, substituting a broad approach to combating fascism for a myopic study of different forms of extremism ends up hindering both the fight against fascism and strategies against extremism.
Extremism is a multi-faceted phenomenon. Different forms of extremism have specific historical roots. They are not variations on the single them of a generic extremism. Each extremism is different, and has its own individual trajectory. Despite the mad ranting of the counter-jihadi fanatics about the Islamisation of Europe and the spread of Sharia law, the reality is that no Islamist party is represented in any government — in even a tiny corner of the EU.
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The same cannot be said of extreme-right, anti-immigration Islamophobic movements which are represented in government in every single country, and every single nook and cranny of Europe. They are constantly pushing at the frontiers of government policy. Against the background of the economic crisis, and the inability of parliamentary democracies to protect its citizenry from the forces of globalisation, elected politicians have moved firmly into the extreme-right territory of nativism.
This is evidenced in laws against the veil and other signs of visible Islam, racial profiling of migrant populations, denial of welfare to immigrants, of citizenship and the protections that go with it to Muslims, dismantling of Roma encampments etc. It calls into question, of course, the idea behind cumulative extremism of a neutral government or state, holding the ring between warring extremist factions.
The diagnosis that the real threat we face today is from cumulative extremism has different consequences in different European contexts. Whilst antisemitic myths and stereotypes were a prominent feature of English Catholic newspapers, literature and intellectual discourse during the latter decades of the nineteenth and the early decades of the twentieth century, it is important to note that the ordinary working class Catholics of England the largest social group within English Catholicism often rejected or ignored such narratives.
They also tended to be unsympathetic towards fascism. Significantly, as Ulrike Ehret has also noted, the Catholic Worker , the main newspaper that addressed the working class Catholics of England, consistently opposed fascism and rejected antisemitism. You are commenting using your WordPress. You are commenting using your Twitter account. You are commenting using your Facebook account.
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Manchester Journal of Jewish Studies. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Enter your comment here Previous page The Giolitti era, — Page 98 of Next page The cost of victory. Learn More in these related Britannica articles: Anthony, historically associated with the winter solstice, rivals any other feast day of the Christian calendar.
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It is bordered on the north by the Arctic Ocean, on the west by the Atlantic Ocean, and…. More About Italy references found in Britannica articles Assorted References flag history In flag of Italy agriculture historical developments In origins of agriculture: Italy viticulture In wine: Firmitas Baroque In Western architecture: Articles from Britannica Encyclopedias for elementary and high school students.
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