e-book La tirannia fiscale (Italian Edition)

Several Genoese magnates were also feudal lords and landowners possessing titles, fiefs, and real estate in the State of Milan or in the Southern kingdoms. Paradoxically, land-locked Lombardy played a highly-significant role in Spanish naval policy.

In March, for instance, Gian Andrea Doria suggested to Ayamonte to move some Italian troops to Alessandria closer to the Ligurian border ready for action, should Doria himself or the Spanish ambassador call for their intercession. But these episodes also provide a demonstration of the sophisticated Habsburg strategy of sticks and carrots aimed at putting pressure on the interested parties in Genoa in order to facilitate the political settlement of the crisis.

It is worth highlighting that ultimately the carrot was brandished: It was established formally as a Habsburg dominion in On the contrary, they had also to attend very carefully to the eastern border, where an unwieldy neighbour, the Most Serene Republic of Venice, was to be managed. This was done in order to secure the co-operation of politically active figures and to recruit spies, informers, and others who could be employed in covert operations.

Relations between subjects of Milan and a range of organizations — the central and local Venetian authorities, communities, families — were strong and operated on all levels. Links with the subjects of the western Terraferma were particularly far-reaching: Many features of political, economic, and social organization in both states were characterized by cross-border connection, although the extent of these links varied: On the one hand, therefore, as far as possible Charles V and Philip II tried to be on good terms with Venice, or at least to seek a modus vivendi , despite occasional, sometimes profound, misgivings and disagreements.

His actions affected not only Venice, but also Florence, Genoa, Parma, and Savoy — again, a demonstration of the profound interaction between the states of northern Italy in this period. Sommaire - Document suivant. Plan Modern concepts for early modern strategic issues: Spanish Lombardy and northern Italy between Europe and the Mediterranean.

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Rulers, states, and war Cambridge, , ; J. Gaddis, We now know. La logica della guerra e della pace Milano, 2 , 13; L. Non sono meno rilevanti per la mancanza di scontri armati visibili: Nye jr, Il paradosso del potere americano. See also idem, Soft power. Mead, Potere, terrore, pace e guerra.

La strategia degli USA in un mondo instabile Milano, , notice the original English title of the book: Power, Terror, Peace, and War. Nuovi indirizzi di ricerca Milano, , Item, facendo visitare tutte le carcere di tutti i Baroni che sono tirannissimi, e far che non tenghino prigioni in castello, se non per cose di Stato, e del Re. How should we read these words, as a genuine example of soft power or as a purely rhetorical and political statement? Politica estera americana e geopolitica nel ventunesimo secolo Milano, , , 14, , Reinhard, Storia del potere politico in Europa Bologna, , Yun, Marte contra Minerva.

See also Kupchan, La fine , xv. Tocci, Le terre traverse. See also Reinhard, Storia , 20; A. See also Reinhard, Storia , and Mini, La guerra dopo la guerra.

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Colmuto Zanella and L. Roncai, La difesa della Lombardia Spagnola Cremona, , AGS, E, Dal alla fine della Repubblica Turin, , in Galasso, ed. Spain constantly feared French intervention in Lombardy and northern Italy. See also Costantini, La Repubblica , 51; A. Ricuperati, Il Piemonte sabaudo.

Diaz, Il Granducato di Toscana. I Medici Turin, , in Galasso, ed. Preto, I servizi segreti di Venezia. Signorotto, eds, Lombardia borromaica Lombardia spagnola Roma, , and See also Parker, The Grand Strategy , Campanella, who feared a French attack, pointed out the importance of this policy for the security of the State of Milan Della Monarchia , Geografia e storia di una Signoria padana Reggio Emilia, , ; L. Da Feudo a Stato in Antico Regime.

Spagnoletti, Le dinastie , 46 n. This state was originally based on the fiefs of Bardi and Compiano, situated in a commercially and strategically important area between the Piacentino, the Parmense, Liguria, and Lunigiana. Girolamo Pallavicino, marquis of Scipione, was one of the leaders of the plot against Pier Luigi Farnese and thus regained Cortemaggiore, of which Pier Luigi had recently taken possession.

Organizzazione militare e istituzioni al tempo degli Sforza Roma, , ; Tocci, Le terre , ; A. Raggio, Faide e parentele. Sadly, all of this gives politicians another way to avoid accountability for their actions. Some governments have avoided making difficult fiscal decisions, instead shifting responsibilities for economic policy to unelected bodies like central banks.

Throwing nuanced matters like Brexit and other live examples to the people also shows elected representatives abrogating their responsibilities. Debates about policy — whether economic, trade, fiscal or defense — are fractious affairs at the best of times. Conducted in parliament or Congress, they can create volatility in financial markets, hold back investment, delay hiring and stall purchases of plant and equipment by businesses.

It means fickle sentiment can easily sway the outcome, and it divorces one issue from others when they might best be considered together. Moreover, under direct democracy, thoughtless populism and special interests are more likely to carry weight. That vote has become so firm a fixture in the legislative firmament in California that no politician dares revisit it today. It was a political decision that has arguably slowed investment into the UK and damaged British financial assets, even if it has also brought the pros and cons of the union to the fore.

That may be what happens in Italy, too. Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has pledged to put constitutional reforms to an up-or-down vote in October. If voters reject them, Renzi — who has brought relative stability to Italy and boosted market confidence in the country — has promised to resign.

That in turn risks another European crisis. But investors attending the forum said big infrastructure projects will only happen once the deal is blessed at the ballot box. Those votes offer another argument for the risks of direct democracy, too. They tend to provoke changes in corporate pay policies even when fewer than half of shareholders demand it, if the minority is large enough. We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion, anecdotes, links and data.

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